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“Where are the frontiers of Europe?”, “What should become of frontiers in Europe?” - These are few of questions that international relations experts debate over and over.

It is a particular pleasure to speak on this subject here, at the Brookings Institution, which was at the forefront of the European Recovery Program, administering the Marshal Plan contributions to Europe.

Indeed, the process of changing definitions and placement of European frontiers, both external and between the European countries is full of challenges. The Iron Curtain contributed to division of Europe. Now, the united and transparent Europe is faced with new challenges. These are the old frozen conflicts, new emerging conflict spots and threats ranging from terrorism, cyber attacks to threats against energy security of EU and NATO members. The very existence of these threats contributes to uncertainty and encourages anti-democratic tendencies in regions most affected.

Lithuania, with its millennium - long history, has literally been on both sides of this debate. Our historical experience of being “at the fringes of Europe”, “beyond the Iron Curtain” and “within the European Union and NATO” gives us a unique perspective which I would like to share with you today. 

Our history began with the emergence of Lithuanian Kingdom in the 13th century. Then from 15th century Lithuanian Jogaila dynasty in union with Poland was ruling vast territories of current Central and Eastern Europe. As John Paul II was once saying – it was the origin of current European Union, because the main principles of this union were pluralism, tolerance, openness and multi-ethnicity.

Today we support these principles and values in our regional cooperation, by being an active proponent of enhanced Nordic – Baltic cooperation, which could serve as a model to others. The prioritization of the Nordic - Baltic community is based upon three essential elements – (1) “branding” of the Nordic - Baltic region, (2) promoting of greater economic and political Nordic - Baltic cooperation and (3) establishing a common Nordic – Baltic information space.

Lesson we have learned during our complicated history is the following: if democracy and freedom is in trouble, we are in trouble and Europe in trouble. Therefore, pursue of democracy is imbedded in the priorities of Lithuania’s foreign policy today, as we chair the global Community of Democracies and prepare to preside in the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe and the European Union.

Community of Democracies

Currently, Lithuania is chairing the Community of Democracies. Our mission as a Chairman’s of CoD is to provide support for the democratic institutions building around the world.

It would be a great mistake to take democracy, freedom and Europe for granted. I just want to draw your attention to some facts:

1) Concept of democracy and freedom itself today is under attack. Each day in our transatlantic capitals we are struggling to get democracy back into our foreign policy or development policy agendas.

2) Pragmatic engagement with autocracies is just a fashion of today, with no serious regard to basic freedoms and respect for human dignity in those countries;

3) Democracy building efforts in emerging democracies have been reduced dramatically, we have no focus, no strategy, we cut spending for democracy infrastructure on global scale.

4) Autocracies are uniting, they are getting wiser and they use very postmodern instruments to influence democracies – from energy dependency to corruption, from attacks to civil society to undermining media and internet freedom.

Maybe I’m painting too gloomy picture but I do believe that we should not be complaisant with our democratic acquis.

I am convinced that the Community of Democracies can serve as an effective tool of achieving the synergies and democratic outreach on a global scale. First of all we have to acknowledge that we are in trouble. Our transatlantic stability is endangered in a long term. We have to consolidate the will of democracies in this world to make this world better. We have to reform the Community of Democracies in a way it becomes more and more relevant and effective tool to consolidate our democratic achievements of last two decades. Focusing on concrete deliverables: be it civil society, women and democracy agenda, parliamentary democracy or youth, we could still make the difference. Before Vilnius 2011 CoD Ministerial we will try to expand group of most devoted countries on democracy to make our common endeavour as much coordinated as possible.

Organization of European Security and Cooperation

Now let me turn to the OSCE. The OSCE Summit  is to pave the way for a vision of the Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community. Astana Summit needs to reaffirm OSCE acquis and participating States‘commitments. Then as the Chairmanship of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in 2011 we should aim at putting the Summit decisions into practice. 

The litmus test for the security community being born in Astana will come with the test of the wills on the so-called protracted conflicts. The conflict in Georgia in 2008 and the crisis this year in Kyrgyzstan put the OSCE under the international spotlight. The protracted conflict in Transnistria will not go away tomorrow. I believe the Minsk Group can maintain greater momentum in driving a negotiated political settlement in Nagorno-Karabakh. As the Chairman-in-Office I will work with partners to make real progress, be it slow or minimal, in those conflict situations. Rebuilding trust and confidence between societies, shoring up economic rehabilitation and solving humanitarian issues are of key importance. It is important to beef up the OSCE’s crisis management capabilities.

The respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms remain essential for development of democratic societies. Freedom of the media, safety of journalists will be on the agenda of the Lithuanian Chairmanship. We need further strengthen the role of the civil society. The freedom of movement contributes to that, as we know it from our own experience. We need to define the role of the OSCE in the field of energy security, enhance transparency and early warning capabilities. We will also focus on supporting regional cooperation initiatives. We see the need for stronger engagement between regional actors in developing confidence and good neighbourly relations, enhancing energy security, facilitating transportation and cross-border movements.

It is important for the security community also to address transnational threats – cyber security, drugs, extremism and terrorism. Such threats undermine the security of Central Asia, Afghanistan and of the OSCE region as a whole. The Astana Summit is an opportunity to gear up the OSCE to tackle the problems in a comprehensive matter.

Finally, during our chairmanship we will facilitate review and, where necessary, update and strengthening of OSCE arms control and confidence building instruments.

European Union

Europe today needs to be reinvented. Lack of ideas feeds pragmatism, not balanced by values. It took a decade for Europe to debate it‘s own mission and this debate is still not finished.   Due to begin in the second half of 2013, Lithuanian Presidency will pay special attention to the creation and sustainability of freedom, security and justice in Europe. We will seek to ensure proper and efficient management of migration flows and external borders.

In this task Lithuania sees a strong need to enhance cooperation with the EU Eastern neighbours outside the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy, to support the European aspirations and integration processes of these states and to seek the perspective of further approximation of the countries into the EU. One of the key elements of our contribution to the EU foreign policy will be to ensure the closest possible transatlantic co-operation for the development of security and stability in the EU neighbourhood.

We have to redefine our strategic missions with regard to emerging democracies and to help them seriously, including in Europe‘s East: countries like Ukraine, Moldova, Caucasus Republics, Belarus could still become full-fledged members of the European family. I really hope that next year during Hungarian and Polish EU Presidencies we will be able to agree on EU membership perspective for our Eastern European neighbours, that we will extend our four freedoms to those countries without delay, of course, demanding in return clear efforts of modernisation and full transformation of their societies into European one. This will create the sense of mission again. European family of nations has the right to be reunited.

Our strong priority will be development of the EU Common Energy Policy with a goal to strengthen the external energy security of the EU member states through the construction of power links, elimination of energy isolation.

Security and stability

Our own experience makes us strong believers that value - based European integration process and NATO enlargement was essential for the democratization and stabilization of Europe. Strong and stable Europe is an important partner and even a role model for global stability and security as well.

This November, in Lisbon Summit, NATO leaders will launch a new Strategic Concept which will reflect the guidance for our enlarged Alliance. A strong emphasis on collective defence and deterrence, continued Open door policy and partnership should remain the primary tasks of NATO in pursued of Europe whole and free. NATO will also need to do more to enhance its crisis management capabilities and make additional efforts in preparation to face cyber threats, threats to energy security and terrorist attacks. As NATO goes global we should not forget that the business is not yet over in NATO’s vicinity either. Despite the enormous progress made towards integration in Europe in recent years, beyond our frontiers, there is still what could be called “an aspiring Europe” – our neighbours and partners to the east, who so far are not able to take their part in free Europe.

Relations with Russia are very important and will feature high on Lisbon’s agenda. Lithuania believes in an open dialogue and engagement with Russia on all issues, but we have to make it a team work. It will take a lot of time and patience. And patience is the sister of hope. If we hurry too much, if we continue just on bilateral platforms, if we sacrifice our values and principles, we loose Russia - this great country - as a part of European family. And we don‘t want this to happen. Russians are deeply European and it‘s our mission to make them feel on home. But we have to work together. 

Nevertheless major disagreements remain with Russia on such issues as implementing commitments in Georgia, making further progress on conventional forces agreement, or accepting right of European countries to join NATO. Particularly 2008 war in Georgia has raised serious concerns about Russia’s dedication to the principle of peaceful resolution of remaining conflicts. We are also concerned with Russia’s military doctrine where NATO is still perceived as a threat.

One special note. Belarus is an important, and at the same time often a challenging, neighbour country for Lithuania and the EU. We are still looking forward to the day when Belarus finally takes its full-fledged place in the democratic European family.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Rising social pressure as a result of the recent economic crisis, the decline of democracy and human rights globally and in close vicinity of Europe should be perceived by us as a serious warning. It is evident that there is no quick fix to these problems and partial responses by individual nations or their groups are not sufficient.

In this sense the European frontiers are also the U.S. frontiers. This was well understood at the time of the Marshal Plan. Yet it is also relevant today, as global challenges and threats arise to our common values of democracy, human rights and individual liberty.

Finally, I have a dream of single transatlantic area of our four European freedoms – people, services, capital and goods, with all new areas of cooperation like innovations, energy and cyber security to be in place as soon as possible, with our students, academic and NGO societies united in action. We will not survive if we stay alone. And when we unite, we have to expand our area of freedom and democracy worldwide. Europeans and Americans are setting an example today for the world that could be a better place to live. If we are not successful, we will witness alternatives. We in the Baltics do not want these alternatives coming back again.