News

Two years after the accession of Poland and Lithuania to the European Union and fifteen years after the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries, the Polish-Lithuanian strategic partnership found its expression in the Vilnius conference at which the leaders of many states, politicians, scholars and young people focused on an issue that is increasingly preoccupying Europeans: how to elaborate a common vision of our neighbourhood.

The debate took place against a background of profound changes, closely linked to integration, that have taken place in recent years, changing the face of our continent. The two rounds of NATO expansion – in 1999 and 2004 – and the Big Bang Enlargement of the European Union should be perceived jointly as significant acts in the process of unification of a single civilizational community called Europe.
Yet it would be erroneous to claim that the potential for further enlargement has been exhausted. The European Union and NATO have not yet attained the frontiers that enclose the space of coherent political and economic standards, values and a common historic awareness which unite instead of dividing.
That assertion, formulated from the point of view of Vilnius and Warsaw, primarily directs our thoughts toward the nations of Eastern Europe. This does not mean that we do not appreciate the significance of other regions of our neighbourhood and see no need for defining our – i.e. the Union’s and NATO’s – relations with them.
However, for understandable reasons –only to mention ethnic, historic and cultural ties – we wish to focus on countries of Eastern Europe. Hence, it would be hard for us to accept being in one institutional space, while they permanently remain outside its bounds. This has motivated our elaboration of a joint, solidary vision that requires us to open the European Union to aspiring new members, beginning with Ukraine and ending with Georgia. It is our moral duty to work for the enlargement of the Union.
Still, common ties and a solidary vision of the EU do not prejudge the right to membership in the institutions of the Western world. The decisive factor is how these cultural and historic values are implemented in practice and if they result in successful economic transformations, efficient democratic institutions and
a robust civil society.
Thus, everything is in the hands of the societies of Eastern Europe and their leaders. Transformations offer them an opportunity to attain modernity and prosperity. The readiness to undertake the challenge involved is a crucial test of their true attachment to European values and traditions, of their determination, inventiveness and enterprise. Therefore, EU and NATO solidarity should take the form of measures designed to stimulate the transformations and consolidate their achievements with the help of other nations dedicated to the same values and goals.
Thus, we are closely following developments to the east of the European Union. We note a fundamental divergence between the paths taken by our respective neighbors: Ukraine, Belarus, Russia, Moldova and Georgia.
We extend a helping hand to those nations of Eastern Europe that have adopted the ambitious goal of attaining democracy, modernizing themselves and building civil societies. We call on our Western partners and allies to join us in support for transformations wherever there is a clear commitment and consistency in seeking change. At the same time, it is vital to counter any attempts to turn back the movement toward democracy and modernity, to replace it with despotism and denial of freedom.
The last great enlargement of the EU testified to the imagination of all those Europeans who brought it about. However, the ongoing debate on the future of Europe has also exposed fears connected with this trend. These concerns do not create a conducive atmosphere for a further expansion of the EU or debate on its final limits. We are convinced that this is a temporary phenomenon which will give way to a boldness of ideas and actions, bringing to the fore the noble values and traits that in the past mobilized Europe in the face of profound challenges.
Our common experience after 2004 has demonstrated that enlargement of the EU has raised its vitality and innovativeness, at the same time extending the sphere of joint collaboration, solidarity and stability. Thus, enlargement consolidates the Union and enhances its international role.
Even if the process of enlargement were to be slowed down in the near future, we feel it would be essential to work out solutions and mechanisms designed to gradually involve countries aspiring to EU membership in the system of the aquis communitaire, e.g. in projects congruent with the Neighbourhood Policy. By introducing these countries into the sphere of Union mechanisms and interactions, though without formal membership at this point, we would be stimulating their transformations. At the same time, we would be able to ascertain their capacity to adapt, without which striving for EU membership
is a futile undertaking.
Transatlantic ties supplement European integration, broadening its territorial scope and boosting its resources and potential. The power of NATO as the institutional keystone of the transatlantic community not only stems from its military and organizational prowess, backed by the resources of the strongest nations in the world, but also from its ability to respond to such deadly, non-traditional threats as the terrorist attacks in New York, Madrid, London or Bali.
By demonstrating its ability to counter such threats, NATO proves its vitality and capacity to fulfill other tasks – including the traditional task of collective defense.
The Alliance’s vitality is also determined by the political aspect of its activity. We endorse the opinions being expressed in member states that NATO should resume its role as the main center for the elaboration of strategic decisions crucial to the security and prosperity of the Western world. At the same time, we believe that - as in the case of the EU – enlargement would strengthen the Alliance, boosting its military potential, as well as generating social and economic benefits.
For that reason the next round of NATO enlargement should convey a profound political message – as did the two preceding rounds. In 1999 that message consisted in the admission of states which had once belonged to “the outer Soviet empire”. In 2004, NATO again sent a message by opening its doors to the Baltic States. Both rounds of the Alliance’s expansion challenged the very idea of spheres of influence in Europe, understood as a combination of big-power hegemony on the one hand, and limited sovereignty on the other. A third round of enlargement should permanently relegate that idea to the dustbin of history, benefiting all modern and democratic states of our continent.
European and transatlantic integration, as evidenced by the successive enlargements of NATO and EU, does not consist in the movement of walls, barbed-wire fences and barriers across some geographic space. It does not result in the emergence of new dividing lines. On the contrary, it motivates the parties involved to enter into dialog and more intensive cooperation. In consequence,
a partner originally on the outside may enter the inner circle. And that is how things should remain.
We fully concur with Tony Blair that the new member states are the true heroes of the last enlargement. We are confident that that will continue to be
the case with future enlargements. Our conviction is based on a similarity of problems and cultural community of the EU member states and the countries of Eastern Europe. Since our own accession has invigorated the European Union, there is no reason why the admission of further East European states should pose any threat to the EU.
Thanks to its eastward expansion, the EU will be better prepared than at any time to cope with globalization. And there is no doubt that Europe has to be global – as proven by its enlargement. The new members have rapidly growing, open economies, ample human resources and tested ways of coping with the challenges of globalization.
It is becoming obvious that there can be no global Europe without a solidary Europe – and that means admission of new states of Eastern Europe. Solidarity in seeking a global Europe should be the guideline of the Union’s policy on enlargement, with due consideration of the successes and experiences of the profound changes that have already taken place.

Valdas Adamkus                                                     Lech Kaczyński
President of the Republic of Lithuania          President of the Republic of Poland