News

Washington
14 June 2007

Lithuanian vision for the new transatlantic dialogue/agenda

Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

It will be no news to you if I say that the world is changing. New threats are emerging, new military and economic powers are rising; authoritarian regimes are gaining power - I could go on. But you know it all better than anyone else. We live in an era where previously peripheral issues can suddenly appear in the center of our attention. What we also know is that we should put our efforts together to address these new global security challenges. This familiar rhetoric might sound simple, however practice has shown how uneasy the task really is. Experience urges us to ask ourselves again and again how can the transatlantic community work together to meet modern challenges? How can we strengthen our institutions to make us all more secure? Let me share today the Lithuanian vision on some of the ways to fight challenges facing the transatlantic community and the region of relevance to us – the EU and NATO neighborhood.

It has been confirmed on many occasions that the North Atlantic Alliance remains the main transatlantic security forum where Europe and America meet. Partnership and solidarity – are key words to define all the decisions of the Alliance. It is at the heart of Lithuanian security policy as well. Some years ago Lithuania and the other Baltic countries were only security recipients. Today, we offer our support and contribution to the Alliance in the fight for common values, democracy, peace and stability around the world by participating in many common projects – E-PINE, PfP, Afghanistan and Iraq. After achieving success in bringing the three Baltic States into NATO and the EU, the Northern Europe Initiative transformed into Enhanced Partnership in Nothern Europe continues to be as relevant as it has been since 1997.

It should be one of our top priorities to continue building on the legacy of NATO as the Alliance of democratic values, but also to modernize NATO and make it strong and relevant in the future, able to act collectively and tackle threats both old and new.  I mean the transformation of NATO, which will matter greatly to the future of the Alliance and to the global security.

The first big steps of transformation have already taken place. The Alliance now is carrying out missions far beyond the borders of its member states and operations that require skills and engagements different from those it has undertaken before. Lithuania takes part in the operations in Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan. From our point of view it is not only the size but solidarity between partners that matters We are all very keen on a positive outcome in Afghanistan – the biggest and the most important NATO operation, where it is vitally important that everyone accepts responsibility for the success of the Alliance. Lithuania plays its part by leading the Provincial Reconstruction Team in Ghowr Province. With relatively small resources available, we also plan to send our special forces to Afghanistan’s troublesome South.

It is the same nature of solidarity that we, the Baltic States, benefit from in other areas. The NATO allies are carrying out the Air Policing mission – assuring the airspace security over the Baltic States. This mission epitomizes the core principle of the Alliance – the collective security. This is why it’s so important for us that it is continued.

There is also the topic of NATO’s new enlargement or, as we know it, an “open door” policy. I see it as a new and effective tool for spreading stability and security. Europe is safe and stable when it is united. No one would deny that all of the previous enlargements enhanced stability in Europe, so why should the next one be different? Even Russia should speak of it as a success story, if it were sincere.

Croatia, Macedonia, and Albania all are committed and work hard, therefore should be invited to join as soon as they meet the criteria. The same applies to Georgia which has achieved great progress and is now often named as a role model for political reforms in the South Caucasus. I would be very much in favor for moving on to a higher level of cooperation and granting Membership Action Plan to Georgia at the NATO summit of 2008 or even before. Ukraine also continues to work for membership. I hope, and after the recent agreement reached by the President and Prime Minsiter of Ukraine, I feel more optimistic that one day Ukraine will also meet the requirements and thus receive an invitation to join the Alliance.

The agenda of transforming NATO continues to be dynamic with numerous issues surfacing and heating the international discourse. Take for example the question of Missile Defense. It came up because it is relevant to our security. I personally think that the Missile Defense projects both the one of the United States and the one of NATO, can only increase the European security and strengthen the transatlantic link. Russia has a different view on this. But it is obvious, that the elements of US missile defense system, when placed in Central Europe, would enhance our region‘s security, including Russia. 

Another „new issue“ is the energy security. Today no one would dare to argue that it is just a regional affair. We all know that everyone can be affected. The fact that this subject has found its way into NATO agenda confirms its importance. It is largely an economic question, but unfortunately, the economics surrounding energy transactions are not always transparent and rational. Lithuania believes that energy security should be given an even greater prominence on the Euro-Atlantic strategic agenda taking into account the shortage of energy suppliers and energy grids, asymmetrical relationships between producers and consumers, and eventually a possible disruption of flow of vital energy resources.

I believe in a free market. Elements of a competitive market economy should be introduced in the field of energy. The EU and the United States face hard work ahead to convince producer countries, especially Russia, that it is also in their best interest to open up. Vertically integrated energy monopolies, state-owned companies still feature high in energy markets. We also have to craft common policies that would help us diversify supplies. With more supply options there would not only be more freedom and competition, but it would also create new security and political partnerships that could spill over to other sectors of economy and trade. This could eventually lead to political stability and economic consolidation in the Caspian and Black Sea regions. Therefore there is a political and security side to this issue as well.

Enhancing energy partnerships today is also a major element of the European Union Neighborhood Policy. NATO can also play a valuable role here and add value to the efforts of other international actors through protection of critical energy infrastructure, prevention and management of possible crises, threat assessment and monitoring and a closer dialogue on these issues with partners.

These and many other questions are still to be solved. My key word while looking for solutions is – transatlantic dialogue because Europeans and Americans can complement each other in a number of ways. In very recent history we have experienced that Europe’s actions are most efficient when the transatlantic link is activated, and vice- versa: American actions are much more effective when supported by the European Allies. Therefore, the United States and Europe should together define challenges and solutions before each declares its own way. While NATO cannot possibly be a solution for all security problems, it should remain the basis for transatlantic action around the world. But at the same time we encourage our European Union to play a bigger role in security matters. America needs the EU as a strong partner if the enlarged NATO is to remain successful. That is why we stand for a European Security and Defense Policy that would complement and enhance our commitments to NATO. We also support the new Transatlantic Economic Partnership as one more means to integrate our economies for the benefit of all of the participating parties. Once it functions solidly between the EU and the US, it will attract such countries as Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova, and even Russia because it will offer the benefits of free trade, free movement of people and services, financial and technology partnerships. Thus, the US role globally and specifically in the East of Europe is becoming more intense. Therefore more not less resources are needed to ensure the success of such projects in the East of Europe.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to touch upon the topic of Russia. It is a powerful international actor and an important participant of Euro-Atlantic security architecture. Just as the US and Europe need each other, we need Russia to stand with us and help address global challenges. Today’s Russia differs profoundly from what it was ten years ago. Russia’s growing middle class, stabilization and growth of economy are positive developments. But there are still problems that need to be addressed.

On certain issues Russian policy seems counterproductive to rational cooperation and good neighborly relations, especially when it uses energy or other economic means to obtain political gains. Or take the issue of missile defense, which I mentioned before. Thus, we have to make sure that Russia does not doubt our solidarity.

However, the transatlantic community has to be honest and speak out that only a democratic Russia linked to Europe by natural cultural, strategic and economic ties will have a greater say in Euro-Atlantic affairs.

We should engage with today’s Russia and lay the foundation for working with the democratic Russia of tomorrow. There is much more of what we can add to our cooperation beyond trade in energy resources. The peaceful resolution of “frozen conflicts” would be a major breakthrough in our relations. It is in the interest of everyone, including Russia, that countries in the East of Europe foster closer trade, economic and security ties with the Euro-Atlantic community. The history of a double-track policy that embraced NATO and EU enlargements and good neighborly relations, also with Russia, has already proven its success. We should continue on the same path when gradually integrating Georgia, Ukraine or Moldova into the Euro-Atlantic cooperation network.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

To sum up, I am convinced that there are almost no international security challenges that the European Union or the United States face completely separately from each other. We are natural partners sharing the same values and promoting the same goal – enlargement of a democratic community. The challenges we face are many and they are global, so must be our response. The world has changed and we have now learned that our security does not stop at our borders. The challenges won‘t disappear if we ignore them. Therefore we have to work together and stand as one.

Thank you for your attention.